Mid-morning.
You woke up a little after seven to find that Kim was sick during the night
(presently feeling somewhat better and sleeping) and also late last night Paul
was called in to begin a lung transplant (you work as soon as a lung becomes
available) and got back about the time you woke up. After taking the boys to
day care Carol, you and Paul went to one of your favorite Cleveland breakfast restaurants,
Yours Truly at Shaker Heights Square. Carol is down the basement doing laundry and
Paul just went up to sleep. The plan is Stone Oven on Lee for lunch. The car is
packed with sheets, pillows, table and chairs, etc.; you are going to drop them
off in Delaware on the way home this afternoon. Let's go ahead and go over the
Scottish Druids while time permits. - Amorella
1104
hours. Going through this I found (being unsure) it was better to leave
material in than delete it. The general druidic politics is interesting. We
muddle through the world today as we did then under varied levels of
circumstance.
There
appears (to me) to be a primary goal or attainment of heartansoulanmind that is
not connected directly with where it is grown other than that the 'breeding
ground' as it were is in the physical realm, that is, the nurturing takes place
in the physical realm but the embodiment of growth in this realm cannot be
seen/used in the physical realm. The purpose appears to be in the spiritual
realm beyond the sense of HeavenOrHellBothOrNeither. Is this the way it is in
these Merlyn books?
Not unlikely, boy. You touch the atmosphere
of a concept but not the actually setting. Drop in the five thousand or so
words and post. - Amorella
*** ***
Selected and edited from:
History Of The Scottish Nation
Vol 1, Chapter 8 -
The Druids: Their Religion, Deities, Hierarchy,
Doctrines
To maintain, as some have done, that the
Druids are an entirely fabulous class of men, like the Fairies, Kelpies, and
similar beings with which superstition peopled our moors and lochs, is a bold
position in the presence of the numerous and palpable footprints which the
Druid has left behind him. In truth, the Druidic age is as plainly written on
the face of Scotland as the stone-age, and the bronze age, and the iron age.
Our cairns and cists do not furnish more convincing evidence as to the tools
with which the Caledonian worked, and the weapons with which he fought, than
the stone fanes, the ruins of which dot the moors and hills of our country, testify
to a time when the creed of the Druid was dominant in our land, and the
Caledonian worshipped accordingly. Besides the names attached to numerous
localities clearly connecting them with the Druidic religion, the traces of its
ancient rites still lingering in the social customs of the people, and keeping
their place though all knowledge of their origin and meaning has been lost,
present us with indisputable proofs of the former existence of a powerful but
now fallen Druidic hierarchy. These footprints of the Druid will come more
fully under our notice at a subsequent stage.
But farther, we hold, on the fundamental
principles of man’s nature, that the profession of downright atheism is
impossible to a savage or barbarous people. Such a thing can only take place in
a nation that has made certain advances in what it deems enlightenment, and has
so far cultivated the faculty of reason as to be able to make this woeful abuse
of it.
Did Druidism spring up on the soil of
Scotland, or was it imported from some other and remote region? This is the
first question. We have already more than hinted our belief that Druidism—we
mean the system, not the name—arose in a very early age, and had its birth in
the primeval seat of mankind. Druidism is a more venerable system than the
paganism of Italy, or the polytheism of Greece. It had a less gross admixture
of nature worship, and it was more abstract and spiritual. Druidism was an
elder branch of sun-worship which arose in Chaldea. Leaving its eastern
birthplace at an early period, and travelling northward, where for ages it
occupied an isolated position, it had no opportunity of studying the newest
fashions of sun-worship, and it consequently retained till a late period its
comparative simplicity and purity. Such is our idea, and that idea has of late
received strong corroboration from the inscribed tablets and hieroglyphic
records which have been dug up in the buried cities of Assyria and Chaldea. And
to the same conclusion do all the recent philosophical investigations which
have been made into this creed tend. Reynaud, in France maintains that
"the ancient Druids were the first clearly to teach the doctrine of the
soul’s immortality, and that they had originally as high conceptions of the Deity
as the Jews themselves. If they afterwards encouraged the worship of
subordinate deities, it was," he says, "for the purpose of
reconciling Druidism to that class of uneducated minds of which the cultus of
demi-gods and angels has more attraction than the worship of the Unseen
One."1
The countryman of Reynaud, M. Amedee
Thierry, who has subjected the religions of ancient Gaul to analytical and
philosophical inquiry, comes to substantially the same conclusion. He finds
traces of two distinct religions in ancient Gaul. One resembled the polytheism
of the Greeks. The other was a kind of metaphysical pantheism, resembling the
religions of some eastern nations. The latter appeared to him to be the
foundation of Druidism, and has been brought into the country by the Cymric
Gauls when they entered it under their leader Hu or Hesus, defied after his
death.2 In
other words, this writer, with whom agrees the historian Martin, finds, as the
result of his enquiries, that Druidism comes from the East, that in its earlier
stages it was a comparatively abstract and spiritual system, but ion its later
days became mixed in the West with the nature worship of the Greeks, its
votaries adorning deified heroes as representing the sun, as also storms,
groves, fountains, and streams; taking the natural agencies for the action of
the invisible spirits that resided in them. Pinkerton, though he wrote before
the polytheisms had been tracked to their original birthplace, could not help
being struck with the oriental features borne by Druidism, and ascribed to it
an eastern origin. He says briefly but emphatically, "Druidism was
palpably Phoenician."3 Had he gone farther east he would have become
still nearer the truth. BEL (sun-worship) was, in sooth, the prodigal son who
left his father’s house and travelled into far countries, under various
disguises and amid great diversity of fortune. The wanderer changed his name
and his garb to suit the genius of every people, and aspired to be accepted as
the true son of the Great Father over all the earth. As he passed from land to
land, he accommodated himself to the predominating tastes and passions of the
peoples among whom he successively found a home. Idolatry was philosophical and
abstract among the Orientals. It was darkly mysterious, but boundlessly voluptuous
among the Egyptians.
It came to the Greeks in the garb of
poetry and beauty. Among the warlike Romans it marched at the head of their
armies, delighting in the clash of arms and the shout of them that overcome.
Among the Caledonians it affected a severe simplicity and majesty, as befitted
the people and the cloud capped mountains which were their dwelling. It was the
real Proteus who assumed a new name and a new shape in each new land. And as
the consequence of these endless transformations, its votaries in one country
strove with its votaries in another for the supremacy of their several deities,
blindly mistaking for rivals those who all the while were in truth but one.
"Religion," says James, "assumed almost in every country a
different name, in consequence of the difference of language which everywhere
prevailed. Among the ancient Hindoos it was called ‘Brachmanism,’ and its
ministers ‘Brachmans’: among the Chaldeans ‘Wisdom,’ and its ministers
‘wisemen’; among the Persians ‘Magism,’ and its ministers ‘Magi’; among the
Greeks ‘Priesthood,’ and its ministers ‘priests’; among the ancient Gauls and
Britons ’Druidism,’ and its ministers ‘Druids’;—all synonymous terms, implying
‘wisdom and wise men, priesthood and priests.’" 4 This
was the link which united the Scotland of those ages with the far-off Chaldea,
this overshadowing idolatry, to wit, which made its deities, though under
different names, be adored all round the earth—in the temples of Babylon and
the fanes of Egypt, in the shrines of Greece and the Pantheon of Rome, in the
woods of Germany and the oak forests of Scotland.
This essential oneness of the false
religions accounts for the fact, otherwise inexplicable, that in all of them we
find more than mere naturalism. The idolatries are not, out and out, the
institution of man, they all embody conceptions above man, and like man
himself, exhibit amid the ruins of their fall some of the grand uneffaced
features of their glorious original. They all contain, though to no real
practical purpose, the ideas of sin, of expiation, of forgiveness, and of
purification. This is owning to no unanimous consent or happy coincidence of
thought on the part of widely dispersed tribes; the fact is soluble only on the
theory of the origination of all the idolatries in a common source, and their
propagation from a common centre.
Were the gods of Druidism one or many?
This is the next question, and the answer to it must depend upon the stage of
Druidism to which it applies. In the course of its existence from one to two
thousand years, Druidism must have undergone not a few modifications, and all
of them for the worse. In its early stage it had but one Deity, doubtless,
whom, however, it worshipped through the Sun as His symbol, or through Baal the
Chaldean representative of the Sun. In its latter stages it aspired to be like
the nations with whom it had now begun to mingle.
Caesar, the first to describe the Druids,
paints their pantheon in a way that makes it bear no distant resemblance to the
Olympus of the Greeks. The Druidic gods, it is true, have other names than
those under which the Greek deities were known, but they have the same
attributes and functions, and we have but little difficulty in recognising the
same deity under his Celtic appellative, who figures in the Greek pantheon
under a more classic cognomen. In the Teutates of the Druids Caesar found
Mercury, the god of letters and eloquence. In Belenus or Bel he saw a likeness
to Apollo, the god of the sun. In Taranis, which is Celtic for thunder, he
found Jupiter the thunderer. And in Hu or Hesus he thought he could detect
Mars.5
The Caledonians had no Olympus, lifting
its head above the clouds, on which to enthrone their deities; they could offer
them only their bare moors, and their dark oak forests. There they built them
temples of unhewn stone, and bowed down in adoration unto them.
The hierarchy of the Druids formed a
numerous and powerful body. The priests were divided, Caesar tells us, into
three classes. There was, first, the Chroniclers, who registered events and, in
especial, gave attention to the king, that his worthy acts might be handed down
with lustre unimpaired to the ages to come. There was, second, the Bards, who
celebrated in verse the exploits of the battlefield, and sang in fitting strains
the praises of heroes. Then, third, came the Priests, the most numerous and
influential of the Druidic body. They presided over the sacrifices, but to this
main function they added a
host of multifarious pursuits and duties.6
They were the depositories of letters and
learning, and had a great reputation for vast and profound knowledge. The
estimate of that age, however, our own may not be prepared to accept, unless
with very considerable modification, They were students of science, more
especially of astronomy and geometry, in which they were said to have been
deeply versed. The astronomy of those days was mainly judicial astrology:
though there can be no question that the early Chaldeans made great attainments
in pure astronomy, and recent discoveries in Babylonia have given back to the
Chaldean astronomers an honour which has hitherto been assigned to the
Egyptians, that, even, of determining and naming the constellations of the
zodiac.
In geometry the Druids were so greatly
skilled as to be able, it is said, to measure the magnitude of the earth. At
least they had enough geometry to settle disputes touching the boundaries of
properties. They searched into the virtues of herbs, and by this useful study
qualified themselves for the practice of the healing art. They were the
interpreters of omens—a branch of knowledge so seductive that their class in no
land has been able to refrain from meddling with it. Their divination was
founded mainly on their sacrifices. They narrowly watched the victim, sometimes
a human one, as he received the blow from the sacrificial knife, and drew their
auguries from the direction in which he fell, to the right or to the left, the
squirting of his blood, and the contortions of his limbs.
At the head of the priesthood was an
arch-Druid.7
The post was one of high dignity and great authority. Being
an object of ambition and of emolument, the office was eagerly sought after. It
was decided by a plurality of votes, and the person chosen to fill it held it
for life. The rivalships and quarrels to which the election to this great post
gave rise were sometimes so violent and furious that the sword had to be called
in before the priest on whom the choice had fallen could mount the Druidic
throne. The official dress of the arch-Druid was of special magnificence and
splendour. "He was clothed in a stole of virgin- white, over a closer robe
of the same fastened by a girdle on which appeared the crystal of augury cased
in gold. Round his neck was the breastplate of judgment. Below the breast plate
was suspended the Glain Neidr, or serpent’s jewel. On his head he had a tiara
of gold. On each of two fingers of his right hand he wore a ring; one plain,
and the other the chain ring of divination."8
The Druids acted as judges. By this union
of the Judicial and the sacerdotal offices they vastly increased their
influence and authority. A tumulus, closely adjoining their stone circle, or
even within it, served for their tribunal. At other times they would erect
their judgment seat beneath the boughs of some great oak, and when the people
came up to sacrifice, or gathered to the festivals, they had the farther
privilege, if so they wished, of having their causes heard and decided.
The Druids were also, to a large extent,
the legislatures of the nation. Their position, their character, and above all,
their superior intelligence, enabled them easily to monopolise the direction of
public affairs, and to become the virtual rulers of the country. No great
measure could be undertaken without their approval. They were the counsellors
of the king. With their advice he made peace or he made war. If he chose to act
contrary to their counsel it was at his own peril. It behooved him to be wary
in all his dealings with a class of men who enjoyed such consideration in the
eyes of the vulgar, and whose power was believed to stretch into the
supernatural sphere, and might, if their pride was wounded or their interests
touched, visit the country with plague, or tempest, or famine, or other
calamity.
So powerful was the control which the
Druids wielded, Caesar informs us, that they would arrest armies on their march
to the battlefield. Nay, even when rank stood confronting rank with levelled
spears and swords unsheathed, if the Druids stepped in betwixt the hostile
lines, and commanded peace, the combatants, though burning to engage, instantly
sheathed their weapons and left the field.
The Druids held an annual general
assembly for the regulation of their affairs. This convocation, Caesar informs
us, was held in the territory of the Carnutes in Gaul, by which Dreux, north of
the Loire, is most probably meant. Their place of rendezvous was a consecrated
grove. Whether delegates attended from Caledonia we are not informed.
It is not likely that they did, seeing the
Scottish Druids regarded themselves as an earlier and purer branch of the great
Druidic family, and were not likely to own submission to a body meeting beyond
seas. They had their own covocation doubtless on their own soil, and framed
their own laws for the guidance of their affairs.
The convention at Dreux, besides enacting
general decrees binding on all their confraternities throughout Gaul, gave
audience to any who had private suits and controversies to prosecute before
them. It was understood that all who submitted their quarrels to their
arbitrament bound themselves to bow to their decision. The court was armed with
terrible powers for enforcing its judgment. If any resisted he was smitten with
excommunication. This penalty stript the man of everything. It placed him
beyond the pale of all natural and social as well as ecclesiastical rights. No
one durst speak to him or render him the least help, even to the extent of
giving him a morsel of bread, or a cup of water, or even a light. His extremity
was dire, and alternative he had none, save to submit to Druidic authority, or
be crushed by Druidic vengeance. This powerful class enjoyed, moreover, large
and special immunities. Whether a national provision was made for them does not
appear. They hardly needed such, considering the wealth which must have
flowed in upon them from a variety of
sources. "Their endowment," says Yeowell, 9 "was
five free acres of land," without making it clear whether it was each
individual Druid or each fraternity that was so endowed. They are said to have
imposed a tax on each plough in the parish in which they officiated as
priests."10
They were the judges, physicians, and
teachers of their nation, besides being the dispensers of the sacred rites; and
it is not easy to believer that all these functions were void of emolument. The
Druids enjoyed, besides, other and very special privileges. Their persons were
held inviolable. They could pass through the territories of hostile tribes
without dreading or receiving harm.
His white robe was protection enough to
the Druid. When he journeyed he was welcomed at every table, and when night
fell he could enter any door and sleep under any roof. He was exempt from land
tax. He was never required to grid himself with sword or risk life on the
battlefield. He was not obliged to toil at the plough, or the spade, or the
loom. He left these necessary labours to others. "They contributed,"
says Toland, though the sentence, after what we have said, will be felt to be
too sweeping —"They contributed nothing to the State but charms.
It is a question not less important than
any of the preceding, What were the doctrines that formed the creed of
Druidism? We can answer only doubtfully. Not a scrap of writing has come down
to us from hand of Druid; and in the absence of all information at first hand
touching their tenets, we are compelled to be content with the fragmentary
notices which Caesar and Pliny and Tacitus and Pomponius Mela and others have
been pleased to give us. These are not exactly the pens from which we would
expect a full and accurate account of Druidic theology.
These writers but pause in the midst of
weightier matters to bestow a glance on what they deemed a curious if not
barbarous subject. With every disposition to be accurate, we may well doubt
their ability to be so. But we must accept their statements or confess that we
know nothing of the creed of Druidism. On the more prominent doctrines
—especially those discussed in the schools of their own country—these writers
could hardly be mistaken, and with their hints we may venture on an attempt to
reconstruct the framework, or rather, we ought to say exhume the skeleton of
Druidic theology from its grave of two thousand years.
Philosophy begins at MAN; the starting
point of the theology is God. What were the notions of the Druids respecting
the first and highest of all Beings? From all we can gather, they cherished
worthier and more exalted ideas of the Supreme than the other peoples of their
day. They brought with them from the East, and would seem to have long
preserved, the great idea of one Supreme Being, infinite, eternal, and
omnipotent, the maker of all things, and the disposer of all events, who might
be conceived of by the mine, but of whom no likeness could be fashioned by the
hand. Such is the account transmitted to us by Pliny,11 and
his statement is corroborated by Tacitus, who says, that "they do not
confine their deities within buildings, nor represent them by any likeness to
the human form. There merely consecrate bowers and groves, and designate by the
names of gods that mysterious essence which they behold only in the spirit of
adoration."12
it is further authenticated by the negative testimony of our
cairns and cists.
In these, as we have already said, no
image of God, no likeness of the Invisible has hitherto been found. This fact
is striking, especially when the state of things in Egypt and Greece is taken
into account, and is explicable only on the supposition that the Caledonians
abstained from making images of the object of their worship, and cling to the
nobler and more spiritual concepts of their early ancestors.
Some doubt is thrown on this, however, by
the statement of Caesar already quoted, that the Druids worshipped a plurality
of gods. His words were spoken with an immediate reference to the Druids in
Gaul. The Druidism of Britain, he admits, was not exactly of the same type; it
was purer. Nor does it follow from Caesar’s statement that the British Druids
made images of their gods, even granting that they had now come to worship the
Supreme under a variety of names. In Caesar’s day the more abstract and
spiritual Druidism of an early time had come to be mixed and debased both in
Gaul and Britain with the polytheistic notions of the Greeks.
The light of primeval revelation which
the first immigrants brought with them, imperfect from the first, had faded age
after age, as was inevitable where there was no written record, and where the
memorials of the primitive faith were committed solely to tradition.
And though preserved longer in a state of
purity in Britain than anywhere else, those who now inhabited our island
cherished less worthy notions of the Deity, and were more polytheistic in their
worship than the men whom the transport fleet of canoes had carrier across to
its shore.
That they believed in the immortality of
the soul, and consequently in a state of existence beyond the grave, we have
the explicit testimony of Pomponius Mela. And he assigns the motive which led
the priests to inculcate this doctrine on the people, the hope even that it
would inspire them with courage on the battlefield.
His words are, "There is one thing
they teach their disciples, which also has been disclosed to the common people,
in order to render them more brave and fearless; even that the soul is immortal,
and that there is another life after death."12 The testimony of
Caesar on the point is to the same effect. The soul’s immortality, and a life
to come, in which every worthy and valorous deed shall receive reward, forms, he
tells us, part of the teaching of the Druids. And he notes, too, its salutary
influence in heightening the courage of the warriors by removing the fear of
death as the end of existence.
There was no such certain belief on this
point in the country of the great Roman, and the teaching of the Athenian sages
was, too, less clear and definite touching a life after death. But a doctrine
unknown, or but dimly seen in the noon of Greek and Roman civilization, was
fully apprehended in the barbaric night of the remote Britain. To this extent
the Druidism of Caledonia surpassed the paganisms of classic lands, and to the
extent in which it excelled them did it approximate primeval revelation.
The Pythagorean doctrine of the
transmigration of souls has been attributed to the Druids, but on no sufficient
evidence. Transplanted from the hot valley of the Nile to the scarcely less
genial air of Athens, that tenet might flourish in Greece, but hardly in the
bleak climate of Caledonia. In fact, the doctrine of the future life as a scene
of rewards and punishments, and the doctrine of the transmigration of souls,
are hardly compatible, and could scarce be received as articles of belief by
the same people.
Pomponius Mela, in his few pregnant
sentences on the Druids, communicates a piece of information touching a curious
burial custom of theirs, which is certainly at variance with the belief that
souls, after death migrate into other forms with a total forgetfulness of all
that passed in their previous state of existence.
He tells us that when they inurned the
ashes of their dead they buried along with them their books of account and the
hand notes of the moneys they had lent when alive, but which had not been
repaid them by their debtors, that they might have the means of prosecuting
their claim in the world beyond the grave.14
On the theory of transmigration the thing
was hopeless. This is all that we can with certainty make out as regards to the
religious beliefs of the Druid. And, granting that all this is true, how
little, after all, does it amount to! He is sure of but two things, a Being,
eternal and omnipotent, and an existence beyond the grave, also eternal. But
these two awful truths bring crowing into his mind a thousand anxious
enquiries, not one of which he can answer.
He has no means of knowing with what
dispositions the great Being above him regards him, and so he cannot tell what
his own eternal lot and destiny shall be. The two lights in his sky are enough,
and only enough, to show him the fathomless night that encompasses him on all
sides, but not his way through it. Travel in thought, or strain his vision as
he may through the appalling succession of ages, eternity rising behind
eternity, it is still night, black night, and he never comes to streak of
morning, or to golden gleams as from the half opened gates of a world beyond
these ages of darkness. Such was Druidism in its best days.
In what an air of mystery and wisdom did
the Druid wrap up the little that he knew! He abstained from putting his system
into writing, and communicated it only orally to select disciples, whom he with
drew into caves and the solitude of dark forests; and there, only after long
years of study, in the course of which their minds were prepared for the
sublime revelation to be imparted to them did he initiate them into the highest
mysteries of his system.15
This retreat and secrecy he affected,
doubtless, not only to guard his sacred tenets from the knowledge of the
vulgar, but to aid the imagination in representing to itself how awful and
sublime a thing Druidism was, when its last and profoundest doctrines could be
whispered only in the bowels of the earth, or the deepest shades of the forest,
and to none save to minds trained, purified, and strengthened for the final
disclosure, and so conducted step by step to those sublime heights which it
might have been dangerous and impious to approach more quickly.
Had the Druid made the experiment of
reducing his system to writing, and stating it in plain words and definite
propositions, he would have seen, and others too would have seen, that his
vaunted knowledge might have been contained within narrow limits
indeed—compressed into a nut shell.
When the intercourse between our island
and Phoenicia and Greece sprang up and became more frequent, the golden age of
British Druidism began to decline. It was natural that the eastern trader
should bring with him the newest fashions from these noted theatres of
paganism, and should strive to teach the unsophisticated islanders a more
aesthetic ritual. And yet there is no evidence that the change effected was
great. The British Druid fought shy of these foreign novelties, and continued
to walk in the "old paths;" and Caesar, long after, found the system
flourishing here in a purity and perfection unknown to it in other lands, which
made it be looked upon as a product peculiar to Britain, and forming a model
and standard for Druidism everywhere else.
Those in Gaul who wishes to be more
perfectly initiated into its mysteries than was possible in their own country,
crossed the sea to what they believed to be its birthplace, and there
"drank at the well of Druidism undefiled."16
FOOTNOTES
1. Reynaud, L’Esprit de la Gaule;
Encyclopeodia Britannica, vol. Vii., 9th Ed., article
"Druidsm." 2. Amedee Thierry, Histoire des Gaulois Ency. Brit., vol.
Vii., article "Druidism."
3. Pinkerton. Enquiry into the History of Scotland, i. 17.
4. James’ Patriarchal Religion of Britain, p. 34. Lond.,1836.
3. Pinkerton. Enquiry into the History of Scotland, i. 17.
4. James’ Patriarchal Religion of Britain, p. 34. Lond.,1836.
As regards the etymology of the word
Druid, the author, instead of offering any opinion of his own, is glad to be
able to quote the high authority of Don. MacKinnon, Esq., Professor of Celtic
Languages, History, and Literature in the University of Edinburgh. That
gentleman has favoured the author with a note on the subject, which it gives
him much pleasure to insert here:—
"I think there is no doubt that
‘Druid’ is connected with and derived from the root that gives opus,
oevopov, oopv, in Greek; drus, ‘wood,’ in Sanskrit; tree in
English; doire, a ‘grove,’ and darach, ‘oak,’ in Gaelic.
"That the word came, perhaps after
the fall of the system, to mean a ‘wise man’ is undoubted. Jannes
and Jambres (2 Tim. iii. 8) are called
‘Druids’ in an Irish gloss of the 8th century; in an old
hymn our Saviour is called a Druid; in the early translation of the Scriptures
the ‘wise men’ are Druids (Matt. ii. 1).
"In our modern language ‘Druidheachd,’
i.e., ‘Druidism’ means is magic, sorcery, witchcraft. Instead of saying
‘Druid’ means ‘wise man,’ I would say the word is derived from the word for ‘an
oak,’ which as you point out, figured so largely in their worship. It came in
Celtic literature to mean a ‘wise man,’ an ‘magus,’ a ‘sorcerer.’"
5. Caesar, Bell,
Gall. vi. 17.
6. These three orders are said to have
been distinguished by the different colours of their dresses: the chroniclers
wore blue, the bards green, and the priests white—none but a priest durst
appear in white. See Myurick’s Costumes of the Ancient Britons; Dr.
Giles’s History of the Ancient Britons; Wood’s Ancient British
Church.
7. Caesar, Bell. Gall., vi. 14.
8. Nash, Taliesin: the Bards and Druids of Britain, p. 15. London., 1858. 9. Yeowell, Chronicles of the British Church, London, 1847.
10. Ibid.
11. Plinii, Nat. Hist., lib. xvi. Cap. 44.
12. Tac. Trib. Ger. c. 9.
8. Nash, Taliesin: the Bards and Druids of Britain, p. 15. London., 1858. 9. Yeowell, Chronicles of the British Church, London, 1847.
10. Ibid.
11. Plinii, Nat. Hist., lib. xvi. Cap. 44.
12. Tac. Trib. Ger. c. 9.
13. Unum ex iis quae praecipiunt, in
vulgus effuxit, videlicet ut forent ad bella meliores, oeternas esse animas,
vitamque alteram ad manes. Pomponii Melae, De Situ Orbis, Libri Tres, cap. 2,
Ludg. Batav., 1696.
14.Itaque cum mortius cremant ac
defodiunt apta viventibus olim. Negotiorum ratio etiam et exactio crediti
deferebatur ad inferos erantque qui se in rogos suorum, velut una victuri,
libenter immitterent. Pom. Mel., lib. iii. cap. 2.
15.Docent multa noblissimos gentis clam
et diu vicennis annis in specu, ut in abditis saltibus. Pom. Mel., lib. iii
cap. 2.
16. De Bello Gallico, lib. vi.
cap. 14.
From: electricscotland.com
***
***
You are
upstairs writing. Carol is downstairs reading. You arrived home during
suppertime, but alas a few minutes late from viewing the national news.
Everything is put away from the uneventful trip. Even leaving Delaware at the
beginning of rush hour you had no real problems through Columbus and beyond. - Amorella
2134
hours. It was a very pleasant surprise, as we didn't eat lunch until late and
left for home mid-afternoon. We dropped off a table and chairs and other items
at the Delaware house and we will meet Kim in Delaware in the AM on 5 June when
her washer and dryer arrive. Once home Carol heated up a hot skillet dish of pasta plus shrimp and
extras; she caught up on the mail, etc while I watched last night's
"Revolution". I am ready for bed. It was a good drive home. We split
half a 'Jennifer cookie' from On the Rise on Fairmount. We will miss that
bakery!
Post. - Amorella
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