Midday. You had a two hour nap after
breakfast then did some yard work and have more to do -- cutting out a very old
honeysuckle bush at the start of the path down to the cement platform five feet
above the backyard run/streamlet that leans north down to Muddy Creek about
thirty yards away. Carol is readying to go run some errands. You are surprised
by yesterday's post. You feel it is foolish for Onesixanzero and Ship to feel
as they do, that because consciousness may lead to surviving physical death
that Homo sapiens may be able to muster up a better life (their own not a
mimicking of Three Planets) on/in the physical universe. - Amorella
1208 hours. Something caught my eye online (on Facebook) about 'social
contracts'. What exactly is the social contract on the fictional ThreePlanets?
First, why don't you remind yourself of what
a social contract is from Wikipedia. - Amorella
** **
Social contract
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
In
both moral and political philosophy, the social
contract or political contract is a theory or model, originating
during the Age of Enlightenment, that typically addresses the questions of the
origin of society and the legitimacy of the authority of the state over the individual. Social contract arguments typically
posit that individuals have consented, either explicitly or tacitly, to
surrender some of their freedoms and submit to the authority of the ruler or
magistrate (or to the decision of a majority), in exchange for protection of
their remaining rights. The question of the relation between natural and legal
rights, therefore, is often an aspect of social contract theory. The term takes
its name from The Social Contract (Du
contrat social ou Principes du droit politique), a 1762 book by
Jean-Jacques Rousseau that discussed
this concept.
Although
the antecedents of social contract theory are found in antiquity, in Greek and
Stoic philosophy and Roman and
Canon Law, the heyday of the social contract was the mid-17th to early 19th
centuries, when it emerged as the leading doctrine of political legitimacy. The
starting point for most social contract theories is an examination of the human
condition absent any political order that Thomas Hobbes termed the "state of
nature". In this condition,
individuals' actions are bound only by their personal power and conscience.
From this shared starting point, social contract theorists seek to demonstrate,
in different ways, why a rational individual would voluntarily consent to give
up their natural freedom to obtain the benefits of political order.
Hugo Grotius (1625),
Thomas Hobbes (1651), Samuel
Pufendorf (1673), John Locke (1689), Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1762), and Immanuel Kant (1797) are among the most prominent of
17th- and 18th-century theorists of social contract and natural rights. Each
solved the problem of political authority in a different way. Grotius posited
that individual human beings had natural rights. Thomas Hobbes famously said that in a "state of
nature", human life would be "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and
short". In the absence of political order and law, everyone would have unlimited
natural freedoms, including the "right to all things" and thus the
freedom to plunder, rape, and murder; there would be an endless "war of
all against all" (bellum omnium
contra omnes). To avoid this, free men contract with each other to
establish political community, i.e. civil society, through a social contract in
which they all gain security in return for subjecting themselves to an absolute
sovereign, one man or an assembly of men. Though the sovereign's edicts may
well be arbitrary and tyrannical, Hobbes saw absolute government as the only
alternative to the terrifying anarchy of a state of nature. Hobbes asserted
that humans consent to abdicate their rights in favor of the absolute authority
of government (whether monarchical or parliamentary). Pufendorf disputed
Hobbes's equation of a state of nature with war.
Alternatively,
John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau have argued that we gain civil rights in
return for accepting the obligation to respect and defend the rights of others,
giving up some freedoms to do so. The central assertion of social contract
approaches is that law and political order are not natural, but are instead
human creations. The social contract and the political order it creates are
simply the means towards an end—the benefit of the individuals involved—and
legitimate only to the extent that they fulfill their part of the agreement.
According to Hobbes (in whose view government is not a party to the original
contract) citizens are not obligated to submit to the government when it is too
weak to act effectively to suppress factionalism and civil unrest. According to
other social contract theorists, when the government fails to secure their
natural rights (Locke) or satisfy the best interests of society (called the
"general will" in Rousseau), citizens can withdraw their obligation
to obey, or change the leadership through elections or other means including,
when necessary, violence.
Locke
believed that natural rights were
inalienable, and that the rule of God therefore superseded government
authority, and Rousseau believed that democracy (self-rule) was the best way of
ensuring the general welfare while maintaining individual freedom under the
rule of law. The Lockean concept of the social contract was invoked in the
United States Declaration of Independence. Social contract theories were
eclipsed in the 19th century in favor of
utilitarianism, Hegelianism, and Marxism, ,
and were revived in the 20th century, notably in
the form of a thought experiment by John Rawls.
History
The
concept of the social contract is posed by Glaucon, as described by Plato in The Republic, Book II.
They
say that to do injustice is, by nature, good; to suffer injustice, evil; but
that the evil is greater than the good. And so when men have both done and
suffered injustice and have had experience of both, not being able to avoid the
one and obtain the other, they think that they had better agree among
themselves to have neither; hence there arise laws and mutual covenants; and
that which is ordained by law is termed by them lawful and just. This they
affirm to be the origin and nature of justice;—it is a mean or compromise,
between the best of all, which is to do injustice and not be punished, and the
worst of all, which is to suffer injustice without the power of retaliation;
and justice, being at a middle point between the two, is tolerated not as a
good, but as the lesser evil, and honoured by reason of the inability of men to
do injustice. For no man who is worthy to be called a man would ever submit to
such an agreement if he were able to resist; he would be mad if he did. Such is
the received account, Socrates, of the nature and origin of justice.
The
social contract theory also appears inn Crito,
another dialogue from Plato.
Classical thought
Social
contract formulations are preserved in many of the world's oldest records. The Buddhist text of the second
century BCE, Mahavastu, recounts the legend of Mahasammata. The story goes as
follows:
In
the early days of the cosmic cycle mankind lived on an immaterial plane,
dancing on air in a sort of fairyland, where there was no need of food or
clothing, and no private property, family, government or laws. Then gradually
the process of cosmic decay began its work, and mankind became earthbound, and
felt the need of food and shelter. As men lost their primeval glory,
distinctions of class arose, and they entered into agreements with one another,
accepting the institution of private property and the family. With this theft,
murder, adultery, and other crime began, and so the people met together and
decided to appoint one man from among them to maintain order in return for a
share of the produce of their fields and herds. He was called "the Great
Chosen One" (Mahasammata), and he received the title of raja because he
pleased the people.
In
his rock edicts, the Buddhist king Asoka was
said to have argued for a broad and far-reaching social contract. The Buddhist vinaya also reflects social contracts
expected of the monks; one such instance is when the people of a certain town
complained about monks felling saka trees, the Buddha tells his monks that they
must stop and give way to social norms.
Epicurus seems to
have had a strong sense of social contract, with justice and law being rooted
in mutual agreement and advantage, as evidenced by these lines, among others,
from his Principal Doctrines (see also Epicurean ethics:
31.
Natural justice is a pledge of reciprocal benefit, to prevent one man from
harming or being harmed by another.
32.
Those animals which are incapable of making binding agreements with one another
not to inflict nor suffer harm are without either justice or injustice; and
likewise for those peoples who either could not or would not form binding
agreements not to inflict nor suffer harm.
33.
There never was such a thing as absolute justice, but only agreements made in
mutual dealings among men in whatever places at various times providing against
the infliction or suffering of harm.
Renaissance developments
Quentin Skinner has
argued that several critical modern innovations in contract theory are found in
the writings from French Calvinists and Huguenots, whose work in turn was
invoked by writers in the Low Countries who
objected to their subjection to Spain and, later still, by Catholics in
England. Francisco Suarez (1548–1617),
from the School of Salamanca, might be considered an early theorist of the
social contract, theorizing natural law in
an attempt to limit the divine right of absolute monarchy. All of these groups
were led to articulate notions of popular sovereignty by means of a social covenant or
contract, and all of these arguments began with proto-"state of
nature" arguments, to the effect that the basis of politics is that
everyone is by nature free of subjection to any government.
These
arguments, however, relied on a corporatist theory found in Roman law,
according to which "a populus" can exist as a distinct legal entity.
Thus, these arguments held that a group of people can join a government because
it has the capacity to exercise a single will and make decisions with a single
voice in the absence of sovereign authority—a notion rejected by Hobbes and
later contract theorists.
Philosophers
Hugo Grotius (1625)
In
the early 17th century, Grotius (1583–1645)
introduced the modern idea that individuals had natural rights that enabled self-preservation,
employing this idea as a basis for moral consensus in the face of religious
diversity and the rise of natural science. He seeks to find a parsimonious
basis for a moral beginning for society, a kind of natural law that everyone could accept. He goes so
far as to say in his On the Law of War
and Peace that even if we were to concede what we cannot concede without
the utmost wickedness, namely that there is no God, these laws would still
hold.
The
idea was considered incendiary since it suggested that power can ultimately go
back to the individuals if the political society that they have set up forfeits
the purpose for which it was originally established, which is to preserve
themselves. In other words, individual persons are sovereign. Grotius says that
the people are sui juris (under their own jurisdiction). People
have rights as human beings, but there is a delineation of those rights because
of what is possible for everyone to accept morally; everyone has to accept that
each person as an individual is entitled to try to preserve himself. Each
person should, therefore, avoid doing harm to, or interfering with, another,
and any breach of these rights should be punished.
Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan (1651)
The
first modern philosopher to articulate a detailed contract theory was Thomas
Hobbes (1588–1679). According to
Hobbes, the lives of individuals in the
state of nature were
"solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short", a state in which
self-interest and the absence of rights and contracts prevented the
"social", or society. Life was "anarchic" (without
leadership or the concept of sovereignty). Individuals in the state of nature
were apolitical and asocial. This state of nature is followed by the social
contract.
The
social contract was an "occurrence" during which individuals came
together and ceded some of their individual rights so that others would cede
theirs (e.g. person A gives up his/her right to
kill person B if person B
does the same). This resulted in the establishment of the state, a sovereign
entity like the individuals now under its rule used to be, which would create
laws to regulate social interactions. Human life was thus no longer "a war
of all against all".
The
state system, which grew out of the social contract, was, however, also
anarchic (without leadership). Just as the individuals in the state of nature
had been sovereigns and thus guided by self-interest and the absence of rights,
so states now acted in their self-interest in competition with each other. Just
like the state of nature, states were thus bound to be in conflict because
there was no sovereign over and above the state (i.e. more powerful) capable of
imposing some system such as social-contract laws on everyone by force. Indeed,
Hobbes' work helped to serve as a basis for the realism theories of international relations,
advanced by E. H. Carr and Hans Morgenthau.
Hobbes
wrote in Leviathan (book) that humans
("we") need the "terrour of some Power" otherwise humans will not heed the law of
reciprocity, i.e. "(in summe) doing to others, as wee would be done
to".
John Locke's Second Treatise of Government (1689)
John
Locke's conception of the social contract differed from Hobbes' in several
fundamental ways, retaining only the central notion that persons in a state of
nature would willingly come together to form a state. Locke believed that
individuals in a state of nature would be bound morally, by the Law of Nature,
not to harm each other in their lives or possessions, but without government to
defend them against those seeking to injure or enslave them, people would have
no security in their rights and would live in fear. Locke argued that
individuals would agree to form a state that would provide a "neutral
judge", acting to protect the lives, liberty, and property of those who lived
within it.
While
Hobbes argued for near-absolute authority, Locke argued for inviolate freedom
under law in his Second Treatise of
Government. Locke argued that a government's legitimacy comes from the
citizens' delegation to the government of their right of self-defense (of
"self-preservation"), along with elements of other rights as
necessary to achieve the goal of security (e.g. property will be liable to
taxation). The government thus acts as an impartial, objective agent of that
self-defense, rather than each man acting as his own judge, jury, and
executioner—the condition in the state of nature.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Du contrat social (1762)
Jean-Jacques Rousseu (1712–1778),
in his influential 1762 treatise The
Social Contract, outlined a different version of social contract theory, as
the foundations of political rights based
on unlimited popular sovereignty. Although Rousseau wrote that the British were
perhaps at the time the freest people on earth, he did not approve of their
representative government. Rousseau believed that liberty was possible only
where there was direct rule by the people as a whole in lawmaking, where
popular sovereignty was indivisible and inalienable. But he also maintained that the
people often did not know their "real will", and that a proper
society would not occur until a great leader ("the Legislator") arose
to change the values and customs of the people, likely through the strategic
use of religion.
Rousseau's
political theory differs in important ways from that of Locke and Hobbes.
Rousseau's collectivism is most evident in his development of the
"luminous conception" (which he credited to Diderot) of the general
will. Rousseau argues a citizen cannot pursue his true interest by being an
egoist but must instead
subordinate himself to the law created by the citizenry acting as a collective.
[The
social contract] can be reduced to the following terms: Each of us puts his person and all
his power in common under the supreme direction of the general will; and in a
body we receive each member as an indivisible part of the whole.
Rousseau's
striking phrase that man must "be forced to be free" should be understood this way: since
the indivisible and inalienable popular sovereignty decides what is good for
the whole, then if an individual lapses back into his ordinary egoism and
disobeys the law, he will be forced to listen to what was decided when the
people acted as a collectivity (i.e. as citizens). Thus, the law, inasmuch as
it is created by the people acting as a body, is not a limitation of individual
freedom, but rather its expression.
Thus,
enforcement of laws, including criminal law, is not a restriction on individual
liberty: the individual, as a citizen, explicitly agreed to be constrained if,
as a private individual, he did not respect his own will as formulated in the
general will. Because laws represent the restraints of civil freedom, they
represent the leap made from humans in the state of nature into civil society.
In this sense, the law is a civilizing force, and therefore Rousseau believed
that the laws that govern a people helped to mold their character.
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon's individualist social contract (1851)
While
Rousseau's social contract is based on popular sovereignty and not on individual sovereignty,
there are other theories espoused by individualists, libertarians, and
anarchists that do not involve
agreeing to anything more than negative rights and creates only a limited state, if
any.
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809–1865)
advocated a conception of social contract that did not involve an individual
surrendering sovereignty to others. According to him, the social contract was
not between individuals and the state, but rather among individuals who refrain
from coercing or governing each other, each one maintaining complete
sovereignty upon him- or herself:
What
really is the Social Contract? An agreement of the citizen with the government?
No, that would mean but the continuation of [Rousseau's] idea. The social
contract is an agreement of man with man; an agreement from which must result
what we call society. In this, the notion of commutative justice, first brought
forward by the primitive fact of exchange, ... is substituted for that of
distributive justice ... Translating these words, contract, commutative
justice, which are the language of the law, into the language of business, and
you have commerce, that is to say, in its highest significance, the act by
which man and man declare themselves essentially producers, and abdicate all
pretension to govern each other.
— Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, General Idea of the Revolution in the
Nineteenth Century (1851)
John Rawls' Theory of Justice (1971)
Building
on the work of Immanuel Kant with its presumption of limits on the state, John
Rawls (1921–2002), in A Theory of Justice (1971), proposed a contractarian
approach whereby rational people in a hypothetical "original position"
would set aside their individual preferences and capacities under a "veil
of ignorance" and certain general principles of justice and legal
organization. This idea is also used as a game-theoretical formalization of the notion of
fairness.
Gauthier's Morals By Agreement (1986)
David Gauthier "neo-Hobbesian"
theory argues that cooperation between two independent and self-interested
parties is indeed possible, especially when it comes to understanding morality
and politics. Gauthier notably
points out the advantages of cooperation between two parties when it comes to
the challenge of the prisoner's dilemma. He
proposes that, if two parties were to stick to the original agreed-upon
arrangement and morals outlined by the contract, they would both experience an
optimal result. In his model for
the social contract, factors including trust, rationality, and self-interest
keep each party honest and dissuade them from breaking the rules.
Philip Pettit's Republicanism (1997)
Philip Pettit (b. 1945)
has argued, in Republicanism:
A Theory of Freedom and Government (1997),
that the theory of social contract, classically based on the consent of the
governed, should be modified. Instead of arguing for explicit consent, which
can always be manufactured, Pettit argues that the absence of an effective
rebellion against it is a contract's only legitimacy.
Critical theories
Consent of the government
An
early critic of social contract theory was Rousseau's friend, the philosopher
David Hume, who in 1742 published an essay "Of Civil Liberty". The
second part of this essay, entitled "Of the Original Contract", stresses that the concept of a
"social contract" is a convenient fiction:
As
no party, in the present age can well support itself without a philosophical or
speculative system of principles annexed to its political or practical one; we
accordingly find that each of the factions into which this nation is divided
has reared up a fabric of the former kind, in order to protect and cover that
scheme of actions which it pursues. ... The one party [defenders of the
absolute and divine right of kings, or Tories], by tracing up government to the
DEITY, endeavor to render it so sacred and inviolate that it must be little
less than sacrilege, however tyrannical it may become, to touch or invade it in
the smallest article. The other party [the Whigs, or believers in
constitutional monarchy], by founding government altogether on the consent of
the PEOPLE suppose that there is a kind of original contract by which the
subjects have tacitly reserved the power of resisting their sovereign, whenever
they find themselves aggrieved by that authority with which they have for
certain purposes voluntarily entrusted him.
— David Hume, "On Civil Liberty" [II.XII.1][15]
Hume
argued that consent of the governed was
the ideal foundation on which a government should rest, but that it had not
actually occurred this way in general.
My
intention here is not to exclude the consent of the people from being one just
foundation of government where it has place. It is surely the best and most
sacred of any. I only contend that it has very seldom had place in any degree
and never almost in its full extent. And that therefore some other foundation
of government must also be admitted.
— Ibid II.XII.20
Natural law and constitutionalism
Legal
scholar Randy Barnett has argued that, while presence in the territory
of a society may be necessary for consent, this does not constitute consent to all rules the society might make
regardless of their content. A second condition of consent is that the rules be
consistent with underlying principles of justice and the protection of natural
and social rights, and have procedures for effective protection of those rights
(or liberties). This has also been discussed by O. A.
Brownson, who argued that, in a sense, three "constitutions" are
involved: first, the constitution
of nature that includes all
of what the Founders called "natural law"; second, the constitution of society, an
unwritten and commonly understood set of rules for the society formed by a
social contract before it establishes a government, by which it does establish
the third, a constitution of
government. To consent, a necessary condition is that the rules be constitutional in that sense.
Tacit consent
The
theory of an implicit social contract holds that by remaining in the territory
controlled by some society, which usually has a government, people give consent
to join that society and be governed by its government, if any. This consent is
what gives legitimacy to such a government.
Other
writers have argued that consent to join the society is not necessarily consent
to its government. For that, the government must be set up according to a
constitution of government that is consistent with the superior unwritten
constitutions of nature and society.
Voluntarism
According
to the will theory of contract, a contract is not presumed valid unless all
parties voluntarily agree to it, either tacitly or explicitly, without
coercion. Lysander Spooner, a 19th-century lawyer and staunch supporter of a
right of contract between individuals, argued in his essay No Treason that a
supposed social contract cannot be used to justify governmental actions such as
taxation because government will initiate force against anyone who does not
wish to enter into such a contract. As a result, he maintains that such an
agreement is not voluntary and therefore cannot be considered a legitimate
contract at all.
Modern Anglo-American law, like European civil law, is based on
a will theory of contract, according to which all terms of a contract are
binding on the parties because they chose those terms for themselves. This was
less true when Hobbes wrote Leviathan;
at that time more importance was attached to consideration, meaning a mutual
exchange of benefits necessary to the formation of a valid contract, and most
contracts had implicit terms that arose from the nature of the contractual
relationship rather than from the choices made by the parties. Accordingly,
it has been argued that social contract theory is more consistent with the
contract law of the time of Hobbes and Locke than with the contract law of our
time, and that certain features in the social contract which seem anomalous to
us, such as the belief that we are bound by a contract formulated by our
distant ancestors, would not have seemed as strange to Hobbes' contemporaries
as they do to us.
Selected
and edited from Wikipedia - Social Contract
** **
1213
hours. What a joy Wikipedia is. Much better than Cliff Notes as a reminder of
long ago readings and discussions in my college days. I will have to edit as I
go over this material which feels like a fun thing to do.
Errands and lunch coming up. Later, my man.
- Amorella
Mid-afternoon. You ran errands and had lunch
at Potbelly's on Mason-Montgomery Road after which you stopped where you are,
at the community center where Carol is walking the track because of the higher
humidity and sprinkling. You finished the editing of the Wikipedia article and
feel you are out of your league, so to speak, as you have no background in law.
You cannot see how this 'social contract' business is going to work within the
frame of Soki's Choice. Is this correct on my part? - Amorella
1521 hours. It is. What if we come up with a personal contract between
us as an example for me. Over the last twenty-nine years we surely have
developed a 'contract' between us. For one, you said you would be with me until
my physical death. I have acknowledged that this is personally comforting to
me. The contract is actually a metaphysical one to me in that it is based on the
mutual property of thought not physical properties as such because I am of
physical body and you are not. By definition you say you are a metaphysical
Betweener not an Angel or angel-like; that is you see yourself as less than
angelic in terms of how I define angelic (a direct messenger of G-D in the
Judeo-Christian sense). I understand you are a spiritual (consistently in my
imagination and subjective reality) friend. (1531) [Who would have possibly
thought I would come up with this paragraph any time earlier than 1521 hours
today?] This point may not be considered important, but it is to me because the
question, and those similar under similar circumstances, add to a foundation of
this 'spiritual-like bridge' between us Amorella.
You are home and Carol is pulling weeds in
the small front flower garden by the trees. - Amorella
1556 hours. I completely lost that last paragraph I wrote so it is a
good think I copied it; not that it is important other than I would have spent
time wondering about it. This 'forgetting what was going on in my head happened
periodically between the ages of say, four up through when I began keeping
notes in the mid to late eighties - some thirty-nine to forty years. I have
some poetry and a few short personal essays and short stories of those times,
not much. It is nothing more than a curiosity.
What do you think, boy, that when you are
dead you can refer to your notes since the 1980's? - Amorella
1606 hours. Of course not. I guess that since my fingertips put it down
that I would be more apt to recollect some. I am a silly old man.
Sometimes you are silly or so it seems to you honestly
enough. We shall speak on social contracts later. Post. Amorella
The key to curing
disease could lie in Iceland's genes
Post.
Amorella
Late evening. Lots of
lightning and following thunder. You and Carol watched ABC News, the Preakness
on video plus three shows: BBC's "Home Fires" and
"Blacklist". Carol is upstairs reading with the cats keeping her
company. You think there is nothing to write about (and were not even going to
include what was already written but not posted) but that is not the case. --
In twenty thousand years how do you think it is that all the living marsupial
humanoids are not too closely related? - Amorella
2224 hours. Out of the blue, Amorella. I don't ever remember even
considering it. But the first thing I think of relating to this is that Iceland
does have quite a few people who are closely enough related that it can cause
concern. I read recently that ninety percent of the inhabitants of Iceland are
genetically pure Icelandic. Below is the article.
** **
CNN
Health
The key to curing
disease could lie in Iceland's genes
Updated
8:24 AM ET, Thu March 16, 2017
(CNN)The
freezer sits behind a heavy door in the basement of an unassuming building on
the campus of the University of Iceland.
It feels much colder
than it looks; inside, the temperature is minus-15 degrees Fahrenheit, but the
air is so dry, you can't see your breath.
Stored in that freezer
are vials and vials of blood, as far as the eye can see, 500,000 samples from
150,000 people.
Almost half of
Iceland's population is represented in that freezer, and their blood could help
scientists crack codes for a range of issues, from treating disease to
understanding human intelligence.
The key lies in their
DNA
Hiding in
isolation
Iceland is desolate, remote and isolated. The country is a
natural wonder boasting dramatic waterfalls and icy glaciers.
Since the Vikings settled there more than 1,200 years ago,
Iceland's population has remained relatively cut off from the rest of the
world, leading to an extremely homogenous gene pool.
As much as 90% of the population is considered to be pure
Icelandic.
It's that unique gene pool that brought neurologist and
geneticist Kari Stefansson home after 20 years abroad.
"When you begin to look at genetics, when you begin to
think about life in general, it turns out all life on Earth is rooted in
DNA," Stefansson said. "There is no life on Earth that is not based
on information that lies in this miraculous macromolecule that we call
DNA."
Stefansson returned home to Iceland two decades ago and founded
a company called deCODE, with the ambitious goal of mapping the genome of the
entire country. It would be a challenge but not impossible, as in 2016,
Iceland's population totaled roughly 332,000 people.
"We claim that we can sequence the whole genomes for very
large numbers of people," Stefansson told CNN's Dr. Sanjay Gupta at deCODE
headquarters in Reykjavik. "For example, in this building, we have
sequenced the whole genomes of 40,000 people. But that claim is not completely
authentic. It's a little bit false, because, yes, we have sequenced it down to
an individual basis, but there are certain features in the sequence we have yet
to figure out."
The missing piece that fascinates Stefansson the most is the
brain.
He says it is the one organ we don't completely understand. But
for him, the key to everything lies in our genetics. . . .
Selected
and edited from - http://www.cnn dot com/2017/03/16/health/iceland-genes-genealogy-alzheimers-exp/
** **
So, how do you think the marsupial humanoids
have taken care of this problem? - Amorella
2247 hours. Perhaps this is the reason they live in family groups of
three to fifteen or so people with only one
or two babies raised by the family unit. I assume DNA can be 'washed' of disease causing DNA. These are elements that
might be aspects of genetic problems caused by accidently marrying closer than
cousins accidently. I really have not thought about this before.
When Yermey fathers Pyl's daughter, something
will come up. - Amorella
2255 hours. Maybe it would be good for everybody marsupial humanoid to
mix the gene pool. I'm joking but who knows. Maybe machinery is considering
this.
This is not the case. Ship and Onesixanzero
serve marsupial humanoids as the best of humanity would. Besides, their efforts
are setting the stage for the two species plus themselves in an afterlife of
friendship and further learning through their consciousness that survives
physical/machine 'death'. Machine focus is on the afterlife, so to speak, of
consciousness.- Amorella
2304
hours. Time for bed. I'm interested but tired.
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